By Surendra Kumar
India shouldn’t be averse to holding the next peace conference but not on Zelenskyy’s terms and Russia must be present.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s much hyped, much anticipated and much talked about visit to the Ukrainian capital Kyiv on 23 August has triggered an unnecessary and unproductive war of words on social media as well as in media in spite of its historic symbolism. PM Modi became the first Prime Minister of India to visit Ukraine since its birth that too when it’s engaged in an intense war with Russia and took an arduous journey of nearly 10 hours from the Polish border. This bold endeavour itself ought to be applauded. Accusation from usual quarters that the visit was a pursuit for photo opportunities sounds juvenile. Does the manner in which he was received during his state visit to Washington or at the G-7 Summit in Hiroshima or at the ASEAN and South East Asia Summits last year and how he chaired the G-20 Summit in September last year suggest he needs photo-ops? Whether his detractors like it or not, at present, PM Modi is the senior-most and politically more stable leader in the democratic world than the US and French Presidents, the British, Canadian, Japanese and Australian PMs and the Chancellor of Germany, and enjoys much higher approval rating than them. He is a recognised global leader.
So, having told Putin that it wasn’t an era of war (SCO Summit 2022, in Tashkent) and adding that the solution of the ongoing conflict couldn’t be found on the battlefield (July, Moscow) and underlining the horrors of war and the humanitarian suffering it causes, he took the initiative to explore prospects of peace which will not only benefit the two warring sides but also the whole Global South, which has been bearing the brunt of the negative consequences, without being a party to the conflict either as a mediator or as a facilitator, but as a messenger of peace. Urging Zelenskyy to talk to Russia to put an end to the conflict, Modi told him, “I want to assure you that India is ready to play an active role in any efforts towards peace. If I can play any role in this personally, I will do that, I want to assure you as a friend.”
He had sent out a message to Zelenskyy from Poland: “Today’s India wants to connect with all. Today’s India talks of development of all. Today’s India is with all and thinks about the interests of all…” India is an advocate of permanent peace in the region. Our stand is very clear -this isn’t an era of war.” So, where is the hidden agenda? Modi couldn’t have made his position clearer.
Modi hugged Zelenskyy more tightly and warmly than he did Putin (Zelenskyy, though, looked grumpy) and walked with him putting his hand on his shoulder like an elder brother (critics said it looked very patronising) and paid a visited to Martyrologist exposition on Children at the National Museum. These well-meaning gestures should have smoothened Zelenskyy’s frayed temper; he had called Modi’s hug of Putin in July “a devastating blow to peace efforts”. But the manner in which Zelenskyy played a Musharraf on India at the press conference even before the train carrying Modi had left Ukrainian territory and berated India, was most discourteous and undiplomatic.
Some commentators have called his comments rude and immature. At Karan Thapar’s show, former Foreign Secretary and Ambassador to Russia, Kanwal Sibal called them foolish too. He felt the showman that he is, Zelenskyy talked down to India and tried to dictate terms which even the Americans have never done. EAM Jaishankar set the record straight at his press conference in Kiev reiterating Modi’s stated position and clarifying that while the format of the next peace conference depends on Ukraine, India’s view was that for any practical progress the presence of the other party (Russia) was essential.
If Modi’s visit was so inconsequential, as alleged by Modi bashers, why were both Biden and Putin so interested to know what transpired in his exchanges with Zelenskyy? Apparently, the visit was undertaken with full knowledge of both the Russian and American Presidents.
Though the expectations were very low, it wasn’t an exercise in futility; it was an attempt to explore prospects for peace by telling both sides most rationally and persuasively that military confrontation was no option to end the bloody conflict which was impacting millions of others world over. Is there any other world leader more suited and better placed than the Indian PM to carry this message?
Many have questioned the timing when Ukraine claims to have occupied 1,400 sq km Russian territory in Kursk and Russia has unleashed fiercest drone attack at Kiev and made gains in Donetsk region. Aren’t both sides trying to grab as much of the other’s territory as possible to use that as a bargaining chip at the negotiating table?
Clouded in fierce attacks is the undeniable fact that Russia, Ukraine, USA, the EU and NATO and the Global South—all want an early end of the conflict. If the two warring sides can’t do it directly and the UN has proved incapable of playing any role, what’s wrong in India making an effort as a nation which aspires to be the leader of the Global South?
India shouldn’t be averse to holding the next peace conference but not on Zelenskyy’s terms and Russia must be present.
If one looks at India’s stand on the Ukrainian conflict since the Russian invasion in February 2022, it has been evolving with developments. Russia can’t lose sight of India’s reiteration of upholding of the UN Charter and sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine and expression of her outrage at what happened at Bucha (2022) and attack at the children’s hospital last month and continuing plight of the Global South. As Prof Mattoo suggests in his piece in the Sunday Time (August 25) Modi’s visit to Ukraine might be signalling a subtle recalibration of India’s overall strategic choices. Dismissing this read as “utter nonsense” is naïve.
In his phone conversation with Putin, Modi “reiterated India’s firm commitment to support an early, abiding and peaceful resolution of the conflict.” and “underlined the importance of dialogue and diplomacy as well as sincere and practical engagement between all stakeholders”.
In a phone call, Biden commended the Indian PM for his message of peace and ongoing humanitarian support for Ukraine. While ruling out any unfounded optimism, one shouldn’t rule out some momentum towards the holding of the second peace conference on Ukraine from discussions on the side lines of the UNGA Session next month.
Surendra Kumar is a former ambassador of India.
