The outcome of the war in West Asia has sent India’s defence planners in a tizzy working out new plans, fast forwarding some as they work out new strategies which include guarding maritime chokepoints and readying drone forces for naval or distant wars in the future.
For a country that depends on seaborne routes for nearly 90 per cent of its trade by volume and 80 per cent of its crude oil imports, the protection of chokepoints such as the Strait of Hormuz, Bab el-Mandeb, and Strait of Malacca has moved from a strategic consideration to an existential imperative.
“We need to and will be expanding the tri-services Andaman command, which guards three chokepoints including the Malacca strait through which nearly 40 per cent of the world’s maritime trade passes,” Air Chief Marshall Arup Raha, former IAF chief told UNI.
“The Andaman chain is a strategic gatekeeper to the vital Strait and we need to beef it up not only for a war-like contingency but also to keep watch on a vital waterway,” he added.
The former air force chief pointed out that India has been working on a base in the Mauritius islands which could strategically monitor the Mozambique Strait and keep watch over critical shipping lanes in the western Indian Ocean area.
Officials pointed out that facilities such as the Agaléga Islands have acquired outsized significance. Located deep in the southwestern Indian Ocean, Agaléga enables India to extend surveillance over critical sea lanes linking Africa, the Gulf, and Asia.
The development of a long runway and jetty capable of hosting P-8I maritime patrol aircraft and naval vessels by New Delhi has effectively turned the island into a potential forward-operating hub, though India does not call it a base and Mauritius too downplays the facilities.
Officials said South Bloc’s accelerating investment in Indian Ocean bases reflects a structural shift in its foreign and security policy, driven as much by immediate instability in West Asia as by long-term economic strategisiation, said officials.
Similarly, permission to use Oman’s Duqm Port, located midway from both the Persian Gulf’s Hormuz strait and the Gulf of Aden’s Bab el-Mandeb Strait, by Indian naval ships is seen as a gamechanger by Indian strategic planners as it offers,logistical depth near two of the world’s most sensitive energy corridors.
This proximity enables quicker deployment cycles, sustained operations, and repair capabilities without the need to return to Indian bases. In crisis scenarios this reduces response time and enhances operational credibility.
This logic also extends to India’s engagement with Assumption Island, where surveillance infrastructure strengthens monitoring of the western Indian Ocean, particularly around the Mozambique Channel.
“This allows India not only to monitor shipping traffic but also to detect submarine movements and respond to contingencies far from its mainland shores. In an era where undersea warfare and grey-zone tactics are increasingly prevalent, such reach is indispensable,” said Commodore Ranjit Rai, former Director Naval Intelligence.
These physical assets are complemented by a digital and surveillance architecture that includes coastal radar chains across Sri Lanka, Maldives, Mauritius, and Seychelles, integrated through the Information Fusion Centre–Indian Ocean Region in Gurugram, pointed out Naval officials.
“The ongoing conflict arcs across West Asia have underscored how vulnerable global energy flows and maritime trade remain to regional shocks, reinforcing our assessment that economic security is inseparable from maritime dominance,” pointed out Air Chief Marshall Raha.
The disruption risks emanating from the Gulf, whether due to state conflict, proxy warfare, or attacks on commercial shipping, have revealed the fragility of global supply chains. Episodes of tanker seizures, missile strikes, and drone warfare in maritime zones have demonstrated that even limited regional escalation can send shockwaves through energy markets and freight costs.
Air Chief Marshall Raha also pointed out that drone forces were being beefed and pointed out that India already has “significant experience in drone warfare given its extensive and successful use during Operation Sindoor.”
Israeli-origin platforms like the Heron series continue to provide long-range surveillance, while a parallel domestic push has produced systems such as the Rustom-II or TAPAS BH 201 and smaller tactical drones like Netra, is powering India’s drone force. More ambitious projects, including a stealth combat drone known as Ghatak, remain shrouded in secrecy but signal the direction drone developments will travel.
Officials describe it as a “national” effort, drawing in start-ups, research institutions and private industry in a bid to accelerate innovation and reduce dependence on foreign suppliers.
At the operational level, the focus is clear. The contested northern borders demand persistent aerial vigilance, while evolving doctrines call for drones that can not only observe but also strike, individually or in coordinated swarms, and even sustain troops through autonomous logistics.
“Aircraft carriers are now passé. We will be looking at drone launch naval ships and bases abroad,” said commodore Rai.
In parallel, India is pursuing a fleet of nuclear-powered attack submarines (SSNs) under Project-77, with plans for six indigenous boats by the 2030s. Unlike long range missile equipped nuclear subs of the Arihant class, which are designed for strategic deterrence, SSNs are geared toward hunting enemy submarines and protecting naval assets.
