Analysis Evaluating Pakistani Claims on Hangor Submarines and Their True Impact on Indian Maritime Dominance

Evaluating Pakistani Claims on Hangor Submarines and Their True Impact on Indian Maritime Dominance


A recent piece in the South China Morning Post featured Pakistani analyst Moiz Khan framing the induction of Pakistan’s new Hangor-class submarines as a major leap for Islamabad’s naval operations.

Khan argued that in the event of an Indian naval blockade or attack in the Arabian Sea, these new submarines would grant Pakistan the ability to successfully strike back at targets as far away as India's eastern coastline.

This viewpoint touches on the historical competition within the Indian Ocean Region, where naval strength is vital for both demonstrating power and deterring conflicts.

The naming of these submarines recalls the 1971 war between India and Pakistan, during which a Pakistani Daphne-class submarine, also named PNS Hangor, sank the Indian naval ship INS Khukri.

Islamabad is presenting this new generation of vessels as worthy successors that can operate far beyond local waters.

Yet, when evaluated from India’s strategic standpoint, it becomes clear that while these submarines improve Pakistan’s ability to defend its immediate waters, they are far from being the ultimate "game changer" they are claimed to be.

Representing the most substantial update to the Pakistan Navy in many years, the estimated $4-5 billion Hangor-class programme is based on China’s Type 039A (Yuan-class) design.

The lead boat, PNS Hangor, was officially commissioned in Sanya, China, on April 30, 2026, before reaching Karachi Port to a grand reception on June 11, 2026.

Under this massive acquisition deal, Pakistan is set to receive a total of eight submarines—four being constructed in China and the remaining four built domestically at the Karachi Shipyard & Engineering Works.

These diesel-electric submarines are fitted with advanced Stirling-cycle air-independent propulsion (AIP) systems, granting them the ability to stay underwater significantly longer than traditional conventional submarines.

In terms of capabilities, these vessels are approximately 76 metres long, feature a submerged displacement of about 2,800 tonnes, and can reach underwater speeds of over 20 knots.

They boast an impressive range of nearly 8,500 nautical miles while travelling at surface or snorkelling speeds. The combat suite includes six 533mm torpedo tubes designed to fire heavyweight torpedoes and anti-ship cruise missiles.

Importantly, they are expected to be compatible with Pakistan’s Babur-3 submarine-launched cruise missile (SLCM). With an estimated range of 450 kilometres, the Babur-3 could potentially provide Pakistan with a sea-based, nuclear second-strike capability.

Senior Pakistani figures, such as Commodore Omer Farooq, have boldly stated that these new submarines will allow the navy to extend its reach into regions like the Bay of Bengal, which India traditionally views as its own strategic backyard.

Such statements signal Pakistan's desire to contest Indian maritime supremacy in the broader Indian Ocean, a region where Islamabad's naval presence has been largely absent since the 1971 conflict.

Technically speaking, the addition of AIP technology genuinely enhances a submarine's stealth and operational endurance.

These boats can remain hidden in shallow coastal waters for up to three weeks at low speeds without needing to surface for air, which creates new challenges for opposing anti-submarine warfare (ASW) forces.

If deployed defensively along Pakistan's coast, they could effectively ambush enemy ships and disrupt Indian naval blockades or supply routes in the Arabian Sea.

The modern Chinese sensors and weaponry on board certainly offer an upgrade over the older Agosta and Khalid-class submarines currently in Pakistan's fleet.

Despite these advancements, practical operational challenges severely hinder their potential use for long-distance retaliatory strikes against India’s eastern ports.

The journey from naval bases in Karachi to strategic eastern Indian harbours like Visakhapatnam is well over 2,000 kilometres. Navigating this vast distance in a diesel-electric submarine presents enormous difficulties.

Even with AIP systems, their underwater endurance is limited to a few weeks at very slow speeds.

Furthermore, the submarines would be highly vulnerable when passing through narrow maritime chokepoints and would require flawless communication and intelligence support throughout the long journey.

For a Hangor-class submarine to successfully fire a Babur-3 missile at a target on India's eastern seaboard, it would have to navigate to within 450 kilometres of the coastline.

Doing so would place the vessel directly into India’s highly defended and multi-layered anti-submarine network.

The Indian Navy extensively patrols both the Arabian Sea and the Bay of Bengal using advanced P-8I Poseidon maritime aircraft equipped with specialized tracking sonobuoys and torpedoes.

This airborne surveillance is heavily supported by Kamorta-class anti-submarine corvettes, MH-60R Seahawk helicopters, and India's own nuclear-powered submarines, which possess unmatched speed and limitless endurance.

India maintains a formidable fleet of approximately 18 to 19 submarines, featuring the cutting-edge Scorpene-class (Kalvari) boats and the indigenous Arihant-class nuclear ballistic missile submarines.

This provides India with an overwhelming advantage in both numbers and technology.

When combined with aircraft carrier battle groups, guided-missile destroyers, and an expansive web of coastal radar and underwater detection systems, the strategic balance heavily favours New Delhi.

For a Pakistani submarine to slip through this dense defensive shield and execute a sustained attack in a high-intensity war scenario is extremely risky and highly unlikely to succeed.

Defence experts from leading Indian institutions, including the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, view the Hangor-class as a modest tactical upgrade rather than a strategic revolution.

The new submarines certainly bolster Pakistan’s ability to defend its local waters and deny access to adversaries, but they do not strip India of its overarching maritime dominance.

Furthermore, they do not grant Pakistan a reliable means to launch deep strikes on India's eastern flank.

The inherent communication difficulties faced by submerged conventional submarines, the high risk of detection during long voyages, and India’s continuous naval upgrades—such as the Project-75I submarine programme—keep the threat manageable.

Looking at the bigger picture, Pakistan's navy still faces significant hurdles, including tight budgets, maintenance challenges, and a reliance on asymmetric warfare tactics.

While adding eight new submarines will undoubtedly increase their maritime patrol presence and force India to adapt its planning, the programme is ultimately geared more towards coastal defence than projecting power across the open ocean.

Assertions of having a "credible retaliatory reach" are effective for political messaging and deterrence, but they greatly exaggerate the actual operational capabilities against a well-prepared foe like India.

Within the complex relationship between India and Pakistan, submarine fleets play a critical role in managing crises and controlling the escalation of conflicts.

By improving its underwater forces, Pakistan can make any potential Indian naval offensive more costly, which might serve to deter aggressive blockades.

However, India's robust investments in comprehensive anti-submarine warfare, nuclear submarine development, and strong regional alliances ensure that it maintains a decisive advantage in any prolonged naval confrontation.

Ultimately, the addition of the Hangor-class submarines highlights the increasingly close military relationship between China and Pakistan, as well as Beijing’s expanding influence in the Indian Ocean Region.

For Indian policymakers, this development underscores the necessity for constant watchfulness, the rapid advancement of domestic submarine manufacturing, and proactive naval diplomacy.

From the Indian perspective, while these new vessels introduce fresh challenges to the naval environment, they do not fundamentally shift the balance of power, nor do they equip Pakistan with an unbeatable retaliatory weapon.
 

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